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1.
Revista Katálysis ; 25(3):551-559, 2022.
Article in Portuguese | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-20238909

ABSTRACT

Este artigo tem por objetivo aprofundar o debate sobre a insegurança alimentar durante a pandemia da Covid-19, relatar a iniciativa social extensionista do Plantio Agroecológico Solidário (PAS) da Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina e o consequente impacto no acesso e distribuição de alimentos orgânicos em Florianópolis, SC, Brasil. No contexto da crise sanitária, com mais de 645.000 mortos por Covid-19 no Brasil, aliada à crise econômica, acentuaram-se as desigualdades sociais que aprofundaram o cenário de fome no país. O atual cenário pandêmico indica um momento singular para que a nossa sociedade possa repensar o direito global ao acesso a alimentos saudáveis e sobre qual modelo de agricultura se espera fomentar. A agricultura agroecológica é um modelo viável e necessário para a produção digna e consciente de alimentos, fornecendo mecanismos para a promoção da Soberania e Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional, através da democratização ao acesso a alimentos saudáveis e sem agrotóxicos.Alternate :This article aims it is contribute the debate on food insecurity during the COVID-19 pandemic, to report on the social extension initiative of the Solidarity Agroecological Planting (PAS) of the Federal University of Santa Catarina and the consequent impact on the access and distribution of organic food in Florianopolis, SC, Brazil. In the context of the health crisis, with more than 645,000 deaths from Covid-19 in Brazil, allied to the economic crisis, social inequalities were accentuated that deepened the hunger scenario in the country. The current pandemic scenario indicates a unique moment for our society to rethink the global right to access to healthy food and on which model of agriculture it is expected to promote. Agroecological agriculture is a viable and necessary model for the dignified and conscious production of food, providing mechanisms for the promotion Sovereignty and Food and Nutritional Security, through the democratization of access to healthy and pesticide-free food.

2.
Georgetown Journal of International Affairs ; 23(1):43-51, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2318648

ABSTRACT

Despite the challenges, remittances frequently remain a primary source of economic support for those left behind, as well as for national development of post-conflict countries. [...]situations in the wake of recent conflicts are known for heightened remittance flows.3 As a large share of the remittance flows in conflict settings occurs through informal channels, the importance of remittances in these economies has often been underestimated. A focus on broader settings that can provide security, justice, and economic sustenance to individuals and communities affected by the crisis has been reflected in the human security approach6 to post-conflict7 development.8 Remittances can be central to fighting poverty—by diversifying household income sources, providing capital for productive investment and facilitating local markets, and funding education, health, and other social expenses.9 Remittances can contribute to post-conflict recovery in the long term. "20 Horst has shown that among the Somali diaspora in Norway, most political engagements do not occur through state institutions but take place on sub-national levels, including individual and group money transfers and certain humanitarian initiatives.21 Somali diaspora members mediate with clan leaders and elders who can contribute to reconciliation processes through customary mechanisms such as compensatory payments, but as noted above, such involvement can also sustain continued warfare.22 While the role of diaspora in post-conflict reconstruction efforts can be significant, diaspora can also remain an "under-utilized resource" whose strong emotional connection to their home country is offset by unstable institutional environments.23 Weak formal institutions and regulatory frameworks may offer little systematic support for entrepreneurship development, which is constrained by high transaction and compliance costs. Informal institutions and cultural attitudes remain important in the post-conflict assimilation of returning migrants who bring with them beliefs and understandings from their countries of settlement, resulting in hybrid norms and institutions.24 Many forcibly displaced and returning migrants may also lack properly transferable professional skills.25 The transfer of social and political remittances does not always signify "diffusion of democracy"—the effects of returning migrants to democratization depend on their experience of political mobilization as migrant workers, as well as on the status of democratic values in the political order of the host country, among other factors.26 Changing perspectives on conflict-affected remittances Remittances became central in the migration scholarship only in the 1990s, when the analytical focus shifted from migration as a result of [End Page 44] decision-making of rational individuals towards a more nuanced view of the role of households, social networks, and community in migration processes.

3.
Journal of Democracy ; 33(1):5-11, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2317019

ABSTRACT

President Kais Saied's de facto dissolution of parliament in July 2021, abandonment of the constitution, and targeting of the opposition are clear signs that Tunisia is no longer a democracy and has returned to the authoritarian playbook of Arab leaders past and present. I see three main reasons for this abrupt end to Tunisia's decade-old democracy: 1) the failure to accompany political reform with socioeconomic gains for citizens;2) the subsequent rise of populism;and 3) the mistakes of the Islamic party. To move forward in Tunisia and the Arab world more broadly, prodemocratic forces must link freedom, development, and social justice.

4.
Sustainability ; 15(8):6556, 2023.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2304837

ABSTRACT

Public interest in where food comes from and how it is produced, processed, and distributed has increased over the last few decades, with even greater focus emerging during the COVID-19 pandemic. Mounting evidence and experience point to disturbing weaknesses in our food systems' abilities to support human livelihoods and wellbeing, and alarming long-term trends regarding both the environmental footprint of food systems and mounting vulnerabilities to shocks and stressors. How can we tackle the "wicked problems” embedded in a food system? More specifically, how can convergent research programs be designed and resulting knowledge implemented to increase inclusion, sustainability, and resilience within these complex systems, support widespread contributions to and acceptance of solutions to these challenges, and provide concrete benchmarks to measure progress and understand tradeoffs among strategies along multiple dimensions? This article introduces and defines food systems informatics (FSI) as a tool to enhance equity, sustainability, and resilience of food systems through collaborative, user-driven interaction, negotiation, experimentation, and innovation within food systems. Specific benefits we foresee in further development of FSI platforms include the creation of capacity-enabling verifiable claims of sustainability, food safety, and human health benefits relevant to particular locations and products;the creation of better incentives for the adoption of more sustainable land use practices and for the creation of more diverse agro-ecosystems;the wide-spread use of improved and verifiable metrics of sustainability, resilience, and health benefits;and improved human health through better diets.

5.
Asian Survey ; 63(2):336-346, 2023.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2268766

ABSTRACT

As in 2020, the biggest stories in Mongolia in 2021 and 2022 were elections, COVID-19, and how to cope with the contracting economy. At the end of the year, Mongolia was struggling to meet public health challenges and to recover from the economic downturn. Both the government that was elected in 2020 and the president who took office in 2021 have promised to improve corruption, which is endemic in Mongolia, but people have yet to see much change. Popular dissatisfaction led to a huge public protest in December 2022 that demanded the government ensure more transparency in the coal trade. Thirty years after a peaceful transition to democracy, Mongolia is facing its greatest challenge: how to maintain and develop a transparent democracy that truly cares about public opinion and people's livelihoods.

6.
European Societies ; 25(1):132-153, 2023.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2258916

ABSTRACT

This paper contributes to the literature on solidarity mobilizations and the framings of social and political change in the context of the shrinking welfare state, de-democratization, and repressive state policies towards civil society. These issues are explored through the lens of interview-based research on Hungarian solidarity initiatives that emerged in response to the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic between March and June 2020. We specifically look at the ways in which volunteers and activists engaged in solidarity activities associated with healthcare, care-work, and education;accounted for their aspirations;conceptualized social responsibility;and reflected on the crisis management of the state. We found that newly emerging grassroots actors reinforced the documented trend of depoliticization in civil society. Although most respondents formulated a depoliticizing narrative, they did offer interpretations of their public role and collective action, values, and responsibilities, and pronounced a desire for social change. Nevertheless, to account for these framings, we need to move beyond the binary understanding of politics in solidarity and civil society research.

7.
Corporate Communications ; 28(2):325-339, 2023.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2252641

ABSTRACT

PurposeThe aim of this paper is to study the challenges of digital advertising from the characterization of the influencer phenomenon based on the perceptions of two different and non-consecutive generations, explored from the perspective of parasocial relationshipsDesign/methodology/approachUsing a quantitative methodology design and a descriptive approach, a study is presented on a sample of 449 individuals belonging to two generational niches, generation Z (N = 227) and generation X (N = 222). For the study, characterization parameters have been defined based on existing literature, defining five-dimension conceptualization: strength, fairness, engagement, trustworthiness and social role.FindingsThe results point to a different perception of the phenomenon in some aspects that allow an intergenerational portrait of the figure of the influencer to be made. The findings of the study are innovative because they were not previously available and transcend academia to serve the companies that proliferate in the representation and management of influencers, as the characterization of this figure is important for the identification of key aspects in the adjustment of products and messages offered to a certain public of a specific population niche, both for advertising companies and for media and institutions.Originality/valueThe study reveals interesting challenges for digital advertising from the audience's perceptions about influencers, highlighting the relevance of influencers which clearly contributes to a better understanding of more efficient strategies on digital advertising.

8.
Asia Maior ; (Special Issue)2022.
Article in Italian | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2218564

ABSTRACT

The paper aims to argue that the conflictual debate on human rights between China and United States is characterized by a dichotomous approach which still reflects a Cold War logic and can have a detrimental impact on the full understanding of social, economic, political processes which are undergoing during our age. The argument has been built through a case-study on US-China public discourses on COVID-19 and human rights, which posits that a dichotomous approach has prevented an objective reading of the pandemic processes underway and thus influenced the health crisis' management on both sides.

9.
7th IEEE Forum on Research and Technologies for Society and Industry Innovation, RTSI 2022 ; : 68-73, 2022.
Article in English | Scopus | ID: covidwho-2136474

ABSTRACT

For the last two years, the world has been fighting an invisible enemy: COVID-19 (coronavirus). The spreading of this virus caused an unprecedented pandemic, bringing out some critical health system issues due to overcrowded hospitals and undersized medical personnel compared to the number of infected. Indeed, in this context, health facilities have proven inadequate in treating COVID-19 patients who were in quarantine at home, leading to overcrowded hospitals. An efficient home monitoring system would have reserved hospital beds for patients in severe conditions while, at the same time, doctors would have followed up on patients who had mild disease symptoms remotely. Unfortunately, the development of telemedicine was not enough;devices were not user-friendly and had insufficient memory to guarantee daily data storage. ROH-BOT is an IoT device that allows real-Time contact with the doctor, tracking the patient's vital values, and registers the critical parameters that characterize the specific disease. It also allows quick contact with a trusted third person due to its association with a Telegram bot. Moreover, thanks to its user-friendly characteristics, ROH-BOT increases the growing digitalization in the medical field and the democratization of medical technology. In this way, ROH-BOT aims to solve the difficulties related to home monitoring relieved during the pandemic. © 2022 IEEE.

10.
Journal of Higher Education Theory and Practice ; 22(14):67-80, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2112129

ABSTRACT

The article emphasizes the importance of economic education as a part of general education, in terms of market transformations and democratization of society. It is established that the concept of transversal competence is not sufficiently developed by European scientists. It is specified that transversal competence is a universal competence and a new format of an educator s experience. The articles mention that Digital Skills is a composite transversal competence of educators. It is proposed to take into account the increase of digital skills in the formation of transformational competencies of educators in the digital space using various forms and methods of improving digital skills. Such methods as Web Quest and the use of such Internet applications: Simple Note, Flash card, Quick Math, Duo Lingo, Animation en volume pro, Puppet Pals, Pixton, Vialoguas, digital workspace, Pear Deck, Padlet, Kahoot, social networks, messengers and email.

11.
Pacific Affairs ; 95(3):417-440, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2040282

ABSTRACT

A growing global trend towards authoritarianism has left democracy, especially its liberal form, under strain. This has occurred despite earlier promises of democratization between the end of the Cold War and the early twenty-first century. Our essay examines how the dynamics of post-democratization politics have played out across several polities in Southeast and Northeast Asia. These regions once included supposed "third wave" democracies and polities apparently on the cusp of political liberalization. Such expectations have not panned out. Instead, the region has generally witnessed either significant authoritarian resilience or autocratic resurgence following spurts of political openness. We examine how such autocratic dynamics have played out following earlier movements toward democratization. Specifically, we identify three key elements of postdemocratization politics associated with autocratic success and democratic robustness based on contributions to this special issue, and suggest pathways through which they can affect political outcomes. Dominant beliefs can prime accommodation with authoritarianism given pervasive acceptance of state-driven ideologies while identification with liberal values can drive democratic consolidation and resistance to autocracy, regardless of wealth and education. Ostensibly democratic institutions, such as constitutional courts, can become anti-democratic instruments when the exercise of their independent prerogatives means upholding autocratic tendencies that align with their interests and outlooks. Agents and their decisions can both prompt and stymie autocratization, whether intentionally or inadvertently;strategies to consolidate authority can fracture even dominant ruling coalitions. Examining the role ideas, institutions, and agents play in post-democratic politics can further efforts at understanding the current authoritarian wave and its limits.

12.
New Formations ; - (106):43-59, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2024398

ABSTRACT

This article tracks the emergence of sleep discourse in the past ten years in the USA, illustrating a democratisation of this rhetoric insofar as it has begun to interpellate populations beyond midlife women. Despite the sociological and demographic inequities associated with sleep deficits in marginalised populations, the much vaunted 'sleep crisis' is more widely appreciated as a distinct self-care frontier. Such behavioural scripts resonate with exaltations of the self as resilient entrepreneurial problem-solver and are linked to the broader positioning of self-care as salve for the injuries of neoliberalism. Beginning with sleep's ties to women's wellness and consumerist culture writ large, we apprehend sleep as an economy, one with staggering new commercial dimensions. Sleep remedies tend to be focused narrowly on the acquisition of products and technologies (sleep sprays, essential oils and melatonin gummies, blackout curtains, premium bedding, sleep apps, sound machines, adult sleep coaches), all of which come under consideration here. The investigation then turns to the heightened attention paid to the experience of sleep during COVID-19, discusses how sleep discourse articulates to and with a sense of ambivalent dispossession from work regimes and, finally, argues that the sleep crisis has been leveraged to intensify neoliberal brutalities.

13.
New Labor Forum ; 30(3):20-28, 2021.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1986665

ABSTRACT

We are in the midst of cascading political, economic, health, and environmental crises. Perhaps most evident is the Republican Party's introduction of over 360 legislative bills primarily aimed at making it harder for people of color and urban residents to vote. Meanwhile, we are slowly emerging from the Covid-19 pandemic that exacerbated the pre-existing economic crisis stemming from out of control wealth inequality. All of these problems have common origins in elite control of an economy organized around capital accumulation, and popular racism cultivated over centuries by elites to divert white workers away from multi-racial solidarity with workers of color.

14.
The Journal of Asian Studies ; 81(3):602-603, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1984335

ABSTRACT

Much less attention has been given to South Korea's more recent political economy, and even less to its financial liberalization and how that has impacted not only economic growth but also democratization and social equality. [...]this serious study based on careful examination of economic data has something new and important to add. Except for the insurance industry, the financial markets never really opened up much, and five big domestic banks still dominate the banking sector. [...]as every South Korean knows, the power of the major chaebols, such as Lotte, LG, Samsung, and Hyundai, and the families that control them has not been effectively curtailed.

15.
The Historical Journal ; 65(4):1145-1173, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1984328

ABSTRACT

A series of recent books all attest to a revival of interest in the theory and practice of parliamentary representation in the modern era as a scholarly discipline. This review surveys eight different aspects of that history since the early nineteenth century: the spatial dimension of the Palace of Westminster;the comparative framework offered by the history of parliaments in Europe;ideas of parliamentary representation;the history of parliamentary procedure;women in parliament;the House of Lords;the history of corruption;and the Brexit crisis. Insights and perspectives are drawn from recent historical research as well as from political science and intellectual history. The review concludes by observing that the history of parliamentary representation in the modern era is in good shape. Some older interpretive paradigms still lurk, especially an obsession with ‘democratization’. However, more is now known about individual MPs and constituencies than ever before. The digitization of the records of parliament is expediting the kind of longitudinal analysis which was impossible back in the 1960s and 1970s. And the intellectual history and public policy literature around the idea of representation is enjoying a renaissance.

16.
Changing Societies and Personalities ; 6(1):79-97, 2022.
Article in English | Scopus | ID: covidwho-1934749

ABSTRACT

Epidemiological situations, such as the pandemic of COVID-19, pose a clear and significant problem for the states in their efforts to construct and to control their population. The widespread introduction of a lockdown as a regulatory method during the current pandemic could be associated with the need to preserve an understandable, quantifiable, and predictable management object. This paper considers, analyses, and compares two deviant cases of COVID-19 pandemic responses: South Korea and Sweden. In South Korea, the pandemic regulations were dominated by large-scale testing and contact tracing, while lockdown policies have played a supplementary role. Sweden's attempt to develop population immunity by introducing less stringent measures that its neighbours has attracted much attention worldwide. The authors conduct desk research and analyse secondary data on pandemic regulations and their effects in these two countries in 2020. Similarities and differences between Swedish and South Korean cases are formulated regarding trust inside and between the states. © 2022 Andrey V. Rezaev, Natalia D. Tregubova, Anastasia A. Ivanova.

17.
Sur International Journal on Human Rights ; 18(31):197-208, 2021.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1929519

ABSTRACT

This essay aims to reflect on some of the ways in which security surveillance technology has become politicised through race and gender biases, the product of a historical process known as cis-coloniality. This analysis aims to demonstrate, with some urgency, that this type of technology is not neutral and in fact reinforces transgendered racism, under the auspices of "efficiency and security". Rather than providing alternatives for the democratisation of intelligent connected cities, it actually operates as a device for classifying risk, harvesting data and alienating black, poor and transsexual bodies, by widening and reframing the gap between bodies and territories. Technopolitics validate both proof of life and automate experience. They determine gender and circumscribe death movements in cities with hyper-surveillance, thus turning collective life into an image-based ritual, through which the militarisation of urban space and the dynamic of contemporary capitalism itself are amplified.

18.
Polish Sociological Review ; - (218):273-287, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1912608

ABSTRACT

The authors of this article reiterate the question of the best holistic approach for democratising relationships in a learning community developing students' social-emotional competence on the one hand, and developing students' academic competence on the other. Democratization of education and Social and emotional learning are well-researched issues. They have been elements present in school curricula for several decades, yet it remains difficult to make them a reality. Rogers was focused on finding the components of interaction that facilitate authentic and meaningful interpersonal relationships. As a result of his research, he singled out the 'cornerstones' of the Person-Centered/Pupil-Centered Approach (PCA): inter alia non-directivity, classroom climate setting, congruence, empathy, and unconditional positive regard, among others. This psychologist also pointed out how to work with a group and in a group so that an environment for meaningful learning, well-being, and democratic relationships is created.

19.
Asian Journal of Peacebuilding ; 10(1):61-85, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1912433

ABSTRACT

In light of recent efforts by the UN to more firmly embed SSC and TrC in all its institutions, this paper examines the challenges that lie ahead by first tracing the emergence of the terms SSC and TrC on a discursive level in the UN system. Second, it reflects theoretically on the concepts of solidarity and development to show that voices from the Global South are suggesting alternative understandings that may do more justice to the poor and disadvantaged. Third, it explores what can be learned from various interlinked health crises and the recent COVID-19 pandemic regarding the flaws of SSC and TrC. Fourth, it sketches a way forward by looking at ways in which a more human rights based democratization of global health can be achieved.

20.
Revista Iberoamericana de Educación a Distancia ; 25(2):113-131, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1912051

ABSTRACT

Emerging technologies and community empowerment have driven citizen science (CS) projects. However, their impact remains vague, partly because of the difficulties in monitoring and standardizing these projects. Notably, the development of citizens' complex thinking is not among the primary goals, despite the connection with the tenets of Education 4.0 and the training of socially committed citizens. Therefore, we propose a framework and typology to foster CS projects while scaling up complex thinking. We used the evidence-based educational innovation (EBEI) methodology and the Theory of Change (T°C) perspective, reviewing some of the most relevant frameworks under UNESCO's Open Science Recommendation. Findings from the CS projects analysis revealed that: (a) there is inattention to developing the sub-components of the complex thinking macro-competency;(b) a growing trend to develop frameworks for CS projects is taking place;(c) there is a prevalence of CS project frameworks focused on prevention and control, project evaluation and design, and education and research;(d) a framework with three dimensions based on T°C (Outbound, Threshold and Full-cycle) can guide the development of CS projects;and (e) an eight-component typology can measure the progress and impact of CS projects from the perspectives of Context-awareness, Citizen engagement, Infrastructure leverage, Technological innovation, Educational innovation, Outreach and Scale, Network building, and Complex thinking. We envision that the integrated framework and typology proposed, scaffolded by complex thinking, can comprehensively broaden the impact of CS initiatives.Alternate :Los proyectos de ciencia ciudadana (CC) han sido impulsados por tecnologías y empoderamiento de las comunidades. Sin embargo, su impacto es impreciso por las dificultades para su seguimiento y estandarización. En particular, el desarrollo del pensamiento complejo de los ciudadanos no figura entre sus objetivos, a pesar del fuerte vínculo con la Educación 4.0 y la formación de ciudadanos comprometidos con la sociedad. Por tanto, proponemos un marco y una tipología para los proyectos de CC a la vez que se introduce el pensamiento complejo. Se empleó la metodología de la Innovación Educativa Basada en la Evidencia (EBEI), desde la perspectiva de la Teoría del Cambio (TdC), revisando los marcos más relevantes, en virtud de la Recomendación de Ciencia Abierta de la UNESCO. Los resultados revelaron: (a) hay una falta de atención al desarrollo de las subcompetencias de la macro-competencia del pensamiento complejo;(b) existe un incremento y desarrollo de marcos de apoyo a la CC;(c) prevalecen marcos de proyectos de CC centrados en los participantes, evaluación-diseño de proyectos y la gestión de datos;(d) inexistencia de marcos de desarrollo basados en TdC de tres dimensiones, Limitada, Umbral y de Ciclo-completo;y (e) se propone tipología para medir el progreso e impacto de los proyectos de CC: Conciencia del contexto, participación ciudadana, aprovechamiento de la infraestructura, innovación tecnológica, innovación educativa, alcance y escala, creación de redes y pensamiento complejo. Prevemos que el marco y la tipología propuestos articulados al pensamiento complejo, ampliarán el impacto de las iniciativas de CC de manera integral.

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